Congratulations RAMBO!For your success in Burma

Congratulations RAMBO!

For your success in Burma

I hereby honour you with your best conversations, that always stay in my mind.

Mousa: This is Afghanistan.

  • Alexander the Great try to conquer this country.
  • Then Genghis Khan,
  • then the British.
  • Now Russia.

But Afghan people fight hard, they never be defeated.

Ancient enemy make prayer about these people.

You wish to hear? Rambo: Um-hum. Mousa: Very good.

It says,

‘May God deliver us from_

  • the venom of the cobra,
  • teeth of the tiger,
  • and the vengeance of the Afghan.’

Understand what this means?

Rambo: That you guys don’t take any shit?

Malaysian doctors appeal to the PM to repeal or review the harsh act

  Malaysian doctors appeal to the Prime Minister

to repeal or review the harsh

 Private Healthcare Services and Facilities Act

Star on line

Doc paid heavy price

A TRAGIC and grave social injustice occurred when Dr Basmullah Yusom was sent to jail for not registering his medical practice.  

The Private Healthcare Services and Facilities Act (PHSFA) came into force two years ago, and since then, it is apparent that the authorities concerned have been actively implementing the regulatory aspects of the law.  

The big stick came, as we feared, ironically for a tragic reason when a qualified doctor was charged as a criminal.  

When the PHSFA first came into being, private doctors jumped up in protest, only to be assured by the Health Minister and Director General of Health, that such laws were meant for the good of the nation, even winning the support of the then Malaysian Medical Association (MMA) president, who was quoted as saying that the law “bodes well for the medical profession”.  

The Health Ministry has broken its word of assurance given by both the ex-minister and current director general.  

Newspapers reported that the Deputy Public Prosecutor from the Health Ministry had pressed for a deterrent sentence. Surely, this is again contrary to the spirit behind any law, to deal with an intentional criminal strongly, but to be lenient to a first-time offender. 

The good doctor, who serves the poor and rich, the sick and the well, has to subscribe to four or more licences and fees, to practise these days. 

There is the Malaysian Medical Council licensing, the PHSFA licence, the medical protection insurance fee, the specialist registry fee and the professional body annual fee and the MMA, the last being a social body, supposedly to look after his interests. 

To charge and then allow the process of law to jail him, without warning him or giving him a second chance, is a grave social injustice that must be addressed urgently.  

The swiftness of the legal and justice process, in comparison to other legal cases, is also befuddling.  

He was charged on Dec 13, and sentenced on Jan 17, and of course, the doctor did not have the funds to pay the hefty RM120,000 fine and thus ended up in jail. 

The observant reader would also have noticed that he did not have a qualified attorney and spoke in his own defence, which was obviously ineffective.  

His clinic in Jalan Kampung Pandan was also taped in yellow, a very humiliating act by the authorities. This high-handed way of enforcement is not the way to handle a medical doctor, whatever his error.  

Sadly, the guillotine has fallen on the medical profession.

Who will speak up for the doctor?

We appeal to the Prime Minister to repeal or review this harsh law. 

DOCTOR

Kuala Lumpur. 

Star online letters

Tuesday January 29, 2008

Explain why doc was sent to jail

I REFER to “Doc paid heavy price,” (The Star, Jan 25), about a doctor being imprisoned for contravening the Private Healthcare Act.  

I recall “Ismail assures private docs over new law,” (The Star June 20, 2006) by the Director-General of Health that quoted him as saying:

“I want to give them the guarantee that we’ll be careful when enforcing the legislation, and that we won’t send them to jail for the slightest offences.” 

It is thus very important that the Health Ministry clarifies what serious offence led to the jailing of Dr Basmullah Yusom. 

The ministry has officially informed some doctors that the way their toilet door opens is in contravention of the Act; it should open outwards instead of inwards.  

But if a patient faints inside the toilet and is accidentally locked in, it is easier to force open a door that swings inwards.  

Furthermore, there is more space for the door to swing inwards into the toilet, than for it to open out onto a narrow corridor.  

OBEDIENT DOCTOR.

Note:

The Health Ministry had sent letters to the clinics_

  1. in office complex blocks,
  2. hotels,
  3. condominium shop houses
  4. and supermarkets
  •  asking to build their own private toilets
  • and open the private back doors for the clinics.

Actually those modern commercial complexes already have their own toilets, safety measures like safe emergency exits, fire extinguishers etc.

Actually Health Ministry should look and renovate its hospitals whether their various clinics, Out Patient Departments etc have separate clinics and back doors for each and every unit.

Although our clinic groups’ doors are big enough and I had witness the stretchers and wheel-chairs passed through easily many times but noticed that we may need to widen them according to the Ministry’s new guidelines. I still remember that the old hospitals I had worked had very narrow doors, my friend doctors and my overcoats were accidentally caught with those door knobs and torn many times.

Instead of just searching the easy-way-out by trying to push the GPs to handle the emergencies, Health Ministry should also_

  1. upgrade its ambulance service to be quick and effective.
  2. It should also upgrade its service by assigning only the competent emergency staff on the ambulances.
  3. If could not introduce the helicopter squad for emergency at present, Health Ministry should start the Motor-bike emergency rescue service.
  4. When we used to see the police-helicopters to control the crowds and cars, we hope Health Ministry should be allotted more budget to be able to serve the public with the Ambulance helicopters soon.

MALAYSIAKINI

Unregistered clinic no reason to jail doc

Reuben Sher | Jan 30, 08 3:46pm

With reference to the media reports of a doctor being convicted for not registering his clinic,

  1. it is completely meaningless that this registered doctor was fined a whopping RM120,000 for not registering his clinic.
  2. And since he couldn’t come up with the fine,
  3. he was sent off to serve a three- month jail term.

In April of last year, the Health Ministry director-general asserted that the Private Healthcare Facilities and Services Act 1998 was enacted to ensure private hospitals carry out their social responsibilities and was not meant to be punitive or detrimental in nature.

He and the previous health minister, Chua Soi Lek, further assured the medical community that since the Act was outdated, changes would be made and ratified by the Attorney-General’s Chambers. These changes have yet to be agreed upon or ratified but the Act has already been applied, leading now to a doctor being convicted on a technicality.

Will the DG now tell the judge that she should not have passed this type of sentence? Of course not, because that is not how the law works once an Act is passed.

This is the end result of laws that are not debated transparently or done so secretly or in a callous manner. Someone down the road will have to bear the consequences and this unfortunate doctor will now have to pay a heavy price.

This doctor’s ‘crime’ was not that he performed an illegal operation, killed or maimed a patient, cut off a baby’s arm or transfused HIV blood into a trusting patient. He apparently is a qualified doctor unlike some ‘sinsehs’, ‘bomohs’ or beauticians who masquerade as doctors and carry out clinical procedures.

His crime was a technical one. He did not register his clinic. His first duty would have been, like any other doctor, to see to his patients’ health. It doesn’t bear logic that not registering his clinic would kill his patient.

Many doctors were wary of the implications of these punitive punishments when Chua and the current DG were actively campaigning for this law. All their assurances that doctors will not be punished on technicalities has now come to naught as evidenced by the lop-sided punishment this doctor – who apparently didn’t have the financial means to defend himself – received.

Not only will his family will be left to fend for themselves but in all likelihood his career as a doctor may come to an end. This Act was passed in a rush and now has clearly been applied in bad faith.

Without doubt, this incident will only erode further the trust doctors will have on an already disorganised Health Ministry.

Jailed doc: Health DG to blame

JB Edwards | Feb 4, 08 3:26pm

I refer to the letter Unregistered clinic no reason to jail doc.

It is with regret that medical practitioners learn of a doctor being jailed under the Private Healthcare Facilities and Services Act 1998 (PHFSA) for not registering his clinic. This is clearly not what was promised to doctors when both the current Director-General of Health Ismail Merican and the previous Health Minister Chua Soi Lek were all gung-ho about implementing an Act that was clearly poorly drafted.

When the PHFSA came into effect on Nov 1, 2006, there was great resentment and distrust among private doctors. Despite the misgivings of senior GPs, specialists, ex-DGs, ex-Malaysian Medical Association chairmen and even a senior judge both the minister and the DG ran roughshod over their objections in implementing this law.

Doctors still recall how Chua and the DG quickly convened a meeting when medical practitioners threatened to march to parliament. At the meeting, they promised various amendments to the Act. The MMA and other medical associations trusted the word of both the minister and the director- general and did not even push for all the changes to be in writing before the law was passed.

But today it is clear that the word and the credibility of the director-general means nothing as the regulation has now claimed its first victim, Dr. Basmullah Yusom, a USM graduate, registered with the Malaysian Medical Council with a valid Annual Practicing Certificate. He was fined an unbelievable RM120,000 and jailed subsequently for three months when he could not afford to pay this fine. He couldn’t even afford counsel.

Anyone, long enough in the profession will tell you that there are many medical practitioners who serve their communities quietly without expecting too much in financial returns. Unless the DG thinks nothing of the jailing of doctor, is this what the DG had in mind regarding the PHFSA? It is common knowledge among the medical profession who the real culprit and draftsman of this dubious act but the DG must now shoulder the ultimate blame.

That the Act was so badly drafted was plain to everyone but the DG and the previous Minister. Chua went ahead and tabled it to a trusting parliament including his own Barisan Nasional colleagues. The minister despite being a doctor was more of a politician, and was probably playing to the gallery and consumer associations.

But the PHFSA was a highly technical and professional issue. The director-general should have forwarded his concerns but instead chose to also play politics.

Will Chief Secretary Mohd Sidek Hassan demand for the director-general’s resignation for misleading Parliament and lying to doctors about the implications and consequences of the PHFSA?

If we are going to have responsible governance, civil servants must be held accountable for their follies. The implementation of this vague and ambiguous act must be put on hold until proper discussions with all doctors affected by it are held.

It must be debated properly and transparently in parliament and implemented only if it is really proven that the current legislation is inadequate. New laws should not be passed just because someone had returned home with a law degree and has this sudden urge to implement a piece of legislation so that he can be promoted.

   

 

 

Asean embraces a rogue regime while inking a Charter for Big Business

Asean embraces a rogue regime

while inking a Charter for Big Business

By_Anilnetto

So the Asean leaders have signed a Charter in the “wonderfully democratic nation of Singapore” in the company of leaders from Burma’s rogue regime. (Check out this excellent documentary “Burma’s Secret War”.)

Each member nation now has to take the Charter back to their home countries so that it can be ratified by their respective parliaments

  • which shouldn’t be much of a problem,

  • considering how democratic Asean member nations are

  • and how much their governments have the interests of the people at heart.

  • Which leads to the question: why not a referendum as this is a hugely important document that affects the peoples of 10 nations? That will be the day…

Civil society groups that lament that_

  • the charter is too state-centred

  • rather than people-centred are missing the point.

It was_

  • never meant to be people-centred

  • – even though that is what most ordinary people would have wanted,

  • had they been consulted.

  • That is why most of the work of drafting the charter was carried out behind closed doors –

  • Although an Eminent Persons Group (EPG) did briefly consult a sample of civil society groups.

The EPG leader, Musa Hitam, had told civil society representatives that_

  • he considered the inclusion of a reference to a human rights mechanism or body as a great achievement.

  • But such a body would predictably be toothless –

  • if and when it is formalised – for some time to come.

So let’s not get side-tracked by_

  • the lip-service paid to human rights

  • or the sweet -sounding, but ultimately unenforceable, pledges about democracy.

The Charter is not about_

  • protecting the rights of ordinary people

  • including migrant workers,

  • refugees

  • and asylum seekers.

If it was, do you really think those undemocratic or authoritarian governments among the Asean member nations would have signed it?

Instead, it’s all about_

  • facilitating the interests of Big Business

  • as well as providing an institutionalised framework

  • that would, among other things, pave the way for the EU-Asean FTA

  • and further the “free trade” and neo-liberal agenda.

How terribly, terribly sad for the people of Asean!

Charo Says:

Yeah Anil.

ASEAN is and was always paying lip service and showing face to each other.

That has not changed.

If the mentality has not changed for the last 50 years –

  • situations like Burma will remain the same.

  • Besides, ASEAN does not want to face China, if they go against Burma.
  • China has vested interests in Burma.

My Dreams are not mere illusions

My dream interviews are not mere illusions

  • My Dreams come true.
  • Actions speak louder than words.
  • Indirectly confirmed by DSAI’s speech/lecture that I was not wrong in my dreams in reading his mind.
  • A written word is more effective than thousands of spoken words.
  • The Chinese proverb says it best: “the faintest ink lasts longer than the best memory.”
  • Harold Adams Innis : As the oral tradition of speech gave way to the dominance of writing_
  • The written record, signed, sealed and swiftly transmitted was essential to military power and the extension of government. Small communities were written into large states and states were consolidated into empire.
  • In Burmese, we have a saying, “Nhote Ta’ Yar_Sarr Ta’ Lone”, meaning: A hundred of spoken words are equivalent to just one written word.
  • bannerdsaibh1.png

    Keynote eynote address by Anwar Ibrahim at the Institute of Social Sciences conference on Democracy in India, December 6, 2007 in New Delhi 

    The following speech was delivered at the Institute of Social Sciences Conference on Democracy in India.
    Justice J.S. Verma, Former Chief Justice of India and Former Chairman, National Human Rights Commission of India, opened the conference.
    Other speakers are: Mr. Roel von Mijenfeldt, Director, Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (www.nimd.org), Carl Gershman, Director of the National Endowment for Democracy (www.ned.org), and Dr. Farooq Abdallah, Former Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir, and etc.
    Your Excellencies and Distinguished Guests. Dr. George Matthew and Dr. Ash Roy, Carl Gershman. Ladies and Gentleman.
      Please read DSAI’s lecture because I hereby just presented some gist s only as notes.

    Please permit me to begin by _

    • Quoting the great Rabindranath Tagore,
    • from his book of poems known as A Flight of Swans – Poems from Balaka:
    • I hear the countless voices of the human heart
    • Flying unseen,
    • From the dim past to the dim unblossomed future
    • Hear, within my own breast,
    • The fluttering of the homeless bird which,
    • In company with countless others,
    • Flies day and night,
    • Through light and darkness,
    • From shore to shore unknown
    • Tagore was of course referring to the flying swans, or Hansa-balaakaa in Bengali.
    • I understand that this word is to pious Hindus a symbol of the human soul winging its way to its heavenly resting-place.
    • To my mind, the celebration of the human spirit may also be likened to Tagore’s metaphor of the eternal flight of the swans.
    •  
      1. a nation that is completely diverse,
      2. a world unto itself with respect to religious, linguistic, and cultural heterogeneity
      3. and yet in its sixty years of independence has remained
      4. peaceful
      5. and has never wavered from its democratic course.
      • I believe democracy is also about pluralism, 
        • without which (pluralism)
        • dissenting views will not find expression
        • and a healthy vibrant opposition will not materialize.
      • It has been said that our current understanding of constitutional democracy may be traced to the ideas of John Locke, (he influenced the framers of the American constitution & the European governments).
      • the number of countries that are classified as free has increased significantly
      • so that some areas in which democratically elected governments were scarcely present
      • now see democracy as the primary form of government. This clearly reflects the aspirations of the people.
        I recall as a student activist my first encounter with Nehru’s compelling words to the Constituent Assembly in 1947. One must appreciate the Indian experience bears testament to that fact – In the last two decades_Freedom_

      • has a demonstrative effect
      • and the appetite for it is whetted
      • when one sees others_
      • o       enjoying liberty,

        o       freedom of conscience

        o       and the right to property

        o       and the pursuit of a decent livelihood.

        But there remain_

      • pockets of resistance
      • and certain entrenched interests
      • which are resolved against the continued advance of freedom and democracy.
      • submissiveness to the state is a traditional value.
      • They say that before the supremacy of the State and the well-being of its citizens,
      • there is no place for individual liberty.
      • the control of the media,
      • restrictions on free assembly
      • and restraints on the freedom of expression
      •  
        • are further justified as necessary for the achievement of certain economic priorities.
      • who has thoroughly debunked the false discourse of Asian values
      • and proven the intrinsic value of democracy
      • as well as the intimate and inseparable relationship between democracy and development.
      • starvation
      • and freedom.
      • overcome poverty
      • and tyranny
      • without compromising in the struggle against either.
      • the one that garners the most attention and admiration today is that act of voting
      • which represents the empowerment of a people
      • over those who will govern and execute laws upon them.
      • elections feature so prominently in the democracy discourse,
      • is whether the mere phenomenon of elections means_
        • that democracy is alive and well,
        • or are there still fundamental issues to be resolved?
      • free,
      • fair
      • and transparent.
      • which includes equal access to a free media,
      • open debates
      • and a conduct of elections that can stand up to international scrutiny.
      • When the results of elections are called into question
        • an independent judiciary
        • free from political influence must be able to arbitrate
        • and rule on the matter without bias.
      • Speaking of an independent judiciary,
        • many an Asian country wherein judges have fallen prey to
          • the machinations of dictators
          • and autocrats alike regardless
            • whether they purport to act as_
              • army generals
              • or civilians!
      • What is an election_
        • if political parties in the opposition do not have_
          • access to the freedom of speech,
          • assembly,
          • and movement
            • necessary to voice their criticisms of the government openly_
              • and to bring alternative policies
              • and candidates to the voters?
      • the opposition is_
        • barred from the airwaves,
        • rallies are not allowed,
        • and opposition newspapers operate underground.
      •  
        • then the existence of a vibrant opposition is essential
          • as the bulwark against the tyranny of absolute power.
        • as indeed it should be,
        • we will find that many countries today are dismal failures.
        • And this is not just confined to_
          • fledgling democracies
        • but we also see it manifest in constitutional democracies-
          • that have enjoyed independence for more than half a century.
    • In this regard, we may say that

      democracy is about_

      The same principles of freedom and justice have been expressed elsewhere and in different contexts with the same goal in mind.

       The great freedom fighters of our time_

      We must contend with leaders who are of the view that_

      The subversive tactics of the state such as_

      On this we owe a debt of gratitude to Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen

      Democracy is not about the choice between_

      It is about the freedom to_

      Of the many symbolic acts and institutions which democracy tends to create_

      Elections are an essential component of any democracy.

      Elections of course must be_

      But beyond that there must be a “level playing field” –

      Where I come from,

      I am sure mine is not a unique experience.

      If democracy is participatory government in its fullest sense_ 

     

    •  
        • the practice of democracy
        • and the work that is being done to support it around the world.
      • Similarly, if pluralism is the final test of democracy,

        We must therefore take a deeper and more profound look at_

        Decisions_

      • which undermine freedom and democracy
      • that are made in places where the rule of law is considered sacrosanct
      • have global implications_
        • and we must recognise that:
          • they quickly become the pretext
            • which tyrants
            • and dictators
          • use to justify their intransigence.
      • Here we can lay some of the blame for this alarming trend on the mantle of the War on Terror,

        which is the rubric under which_

      • various illegal actions are
        • justified
        • and sanctioned,
      • be they_
        • encroachment on the sovereignty of other nations
        • or a curtailment of the civil liberties of one’s own citizens.
      • This vaguely conceived war_

      • with all its bluster and bravado,
      • has paved the way in many U.S.-allied countries for_
        • brutal
        • and unchecked repression,
      • which in some places threatens to nullify the reform efforts of an entire generation.
        • as inherently anti-democratic
        • and tending towards extremism
        • and violence.
      • In ascribing the mantra of_

      • radical Islam indiscriminately:
        • organisations,
        • and the millions of people they represent,
      •   to any group that professes
        • to be founded on Islamic precepts the advocates of the War on Terror have pigeonholed
      • This reflects a profound misunderstanding of

      • the nature of these groups
      • and the underlying causes of
        • radicalism
        • and terrorism.
      • It is also emblematic of the discourse that tends to place democracy and Islam as inherently incompatible.

        I for one disagree. There is certainly nothing in the religion itself which is opposed to freedom – the higher objectives of the sacred law are in fact committed to the preservation of those basic inalienable rights of freedom of conscience and the pursuit of wealth.

        The Muslim world faces a deficit of democracy because of_

      • the proliferation of autocrats who rule in the name of religion
      • but are often openly hostile and opposed to
      • those who express its teachings,
      • and are hell-bent on preserving their rule
        • in contravention of conventions of governance
        • and the Rule of Law.
      • By expanding our conception of the Muslim world beyond the confines of the Arab-Middle East,

        we find the forces of democracy advancing with much greater fortitude and conviction.

        The democratic success of Turkey and Indonesia are shining examples that the world would benefit by paying closer attention to. Indonesia,

      • while still grappling with the vexing problems of corruption and poverty,
      • represents a success story of immense significance
      • if one considers that the largest Muslim country in the world emerged from_
        • three decades of authoritarian rule,
        • practically overnight,
        • and without a single foreign troop stepping foot on her soil,
        • nor the shedding of a single drop of blood.
        • The AKP of Turkey represents the logical progression of democracy in Turkey –
        • a government that is at ease with the nation’s cultural and religious heritage as it is with the secular underpinnings of the government.
        • India,
        • Indonesia,
        • Turkey,
        • Japan,
        • and South Korea
        • which emphasises issues of governance
        • and accountability,
        • greater economic potential
        • as well as the unleashing of the creative energies of the human spirit. 
      • Asia’s rise to prominence in the latter part of the 20th century was monopolised by the fascination with the economic prowess of some of its stronger nations. That lens continues to influence engagement with the region

        India and China being the leaders

        but other countries proving their mettle in an increasingly competitive and globalised marketplace.

        While economic strength will continue to be a key indicator of the region’s overall development, I am quite confident that with leadership of burgeoning democracies like_

      • 3 Responses to “Keynote address by Anwar Ibrahim at the Institute of Social Sciences conference on Democracy in India, December 6, 2007 in New Delhi ”

      • I agree with your comments regarding Turkey, Dato Seri. There should be a clear separation of religion and government.
        Your continuing to “fight the good fight” is inspiring.

        • Religion is one’s personal communication with one’s God. Politics cannot be intertwined with one’s religious beliefs. Where politics is concerned it should practice the universal law of justice, equality and freedom within a discipline outlined by a just and fair govt. Though a group may fall within a religious philosophy, in practice each individual will definitely differ. So how can we have a govt. that uses a religious philosophy to outline public behaviour? So how come there are countries that favour certain religious and ethnic groups? There is much to think about for future politicians if they want to be respected and remain in office

      •    

    •   1 Implosion Dec 8th, 2007 at 9:12 pm

Beautiful Burma under the Brutal Tyrants should not be forgotten!

Beautiful Burma

under the Brutal Tyrants

should not be forgotten!

  • Wdaw_aung_san_suu_kyi1.jpghenever switching on the light,
  • There is no light back home
  • Whenever  eating delicious meals,
  • There are hungry people back home.
  • thanswhe1.jpg4001370255.jpg

3909461374.jpg

  • Whenever speaking freely without fear,
  • Our people with sealed mouths back home
  • Whenever sleeping soundly,
  • There are people afraid of darkness,
  • Waiting for the night raids back home

3256906512.jpg

  • Whenever driving our cars to work,
  • There are people walking to work,
  • Because they can’t afford to buy bus tickets
  • Whenever surfing internet,
  • Internet access back home is blocked
  • Whenever making calls with the cell phone,
  • Telephone in Burma does not work
  • Whenever seeing people going on shopping sprees at sales,
  • 1 USD equals 1400 kyat back home
  • Whenever police are here to help us,
  • There they are for intimidation and torture
  • Oh… Mother Burma,
  • Once most prosperous country of Southeast Asia,
  • Who brings you down to become a chaotic police state,
  • We who are in free world,
  • Always hope to raise up the Mother Land..
  • Please do not forget your mother land
  • To get the Real Independence,
  • that is Freedom of Burma.

Sit Mone

06.gif04.gifstudents.jpgcaptxyan10210021207myanmar__xyan102.jpgbloody27.gifannouncementonpagoda.jpgap2910071.jpg264616162.jpgbeuty5.jpgbeautiful2.jpgbeuty6.jpgbeutiful4.jpgbeutifulburma1.jpgbeutiful3.jpg

burma280907.jpg

General Aung San’s speech to revolt against the Fascist military rulers

General Aung San’s speech

to revolt against the

Fascist military rulers

From Moe Thee Zone and Sit Mone’s blog

bogyoke1.jpg

King keeps his vow and man keeps his promise

King keeps his vow

and man keeps his promise

Posted on January 13, 2008 by Sit Mone

bayintnaung.gif

There is a famous proverb in Burmese,

“The King needs to keep his vow as  the ordinary man has to keep his promise.”

This is called “Law Ka Par La” in Sanskrit which translates into “Shame” and “Fear” towards the wrong doing by oneself.

This blogger would like to present the real account of a Burmese King in today’s post. This is an excellent example of how a Burmese king kept his vow, following “Law Ka Par La” or “Shame” and “fear” of his own responsibility.

King Min Htee of Yakhine ( Rakhine) was the perfect example of a king who kept his vow in Burmese history.

During his reign, people working in the palace had the habit of betel chewing. Then they would usually clean their dirty fingers by swiping the gilded pillars of the palace. Because of this habit most of the pillars of the palace were dirty and stained with the red color of chewed betel and the white colour of the calcium which they used to smear on the (beatle)leaves.

King Min Htee circulated an order among the palace staff including the Ministers and princes. The order said that,”Whoever used his fingers to stain the pillars with chewed betel, would have his index finger cut off immediately”.

After the king’s order everybody in the palace followed the order strictly as no one wanted their fingers to be cut off .

Unfortunately, the King himself, accidentally used his finger to wipe off the chewed betel and stained a pillar in his palace.

Few days later the King noticed that the palace was being repainted to prepare for the arrival of a foreign diplomat. He asked why the Palace was being repainted.

Everybody kept quiet as they did not know how to answer the King’s question. Then a brave staff of the palace answered that the culprit was the King himself. To prove his point, he showed a detailed ” date, and time” record of the incident.

The King immediately took his sword out of the sheath and cut off his finger in front of the shocked Palace Staff.

“THE KING MIN HTEE WAS THE KING WITH COURAGE AND SHAME.”

According to the Burmese Historian U Pho Kyar, there is a statue of a King in a place called Laung Kyet in Burma. The statue’s hand had only four fingers, which strongly suggests that it was King Min Htee.

This blogger’s point here is that the old Burmese kings kept their Vow, and left a legacy in history. What about our new king in Nay Pyi Daw ? Does he keep his Vow?

Sit Mone

(Sorry, kindly forgive me for reprinting. I tried to edit but  failed)

Comment

Myanmar Tatmadaw Junta Generals are NOTORIOUS for failing to keep their promises.

I don’t think Than Shwe is better than Ne Win and Saw Maung.

I hope they  all would keep their promises to meet at HELL to form and lead the Veteran Myanmar Tatmadaw Association in Hell!

Another brave poet of Burma arrested

Another brave poet of Burma arrested

Posted on January 23, 2008 by Sit Mone

poemtothanshwe.jpg

sawway.gif

A well known Burmese poet, Saw Wai was arrested by Burmese Military Intelligence this afternoon for writing a poem, which was published in Love Journal.

He has composed a poem “December 14th” for Valentine Day. However Burmese people unlocked the message of this brave poet, and The Love Journal was selling like hot cakes.

The secret is by reading the every beginning letter of the each sentence of his short poem,

(Arnar ,= Power,

Yuu = Crazy, Foolish,

Gyi = Big,

Mhu, Gyi, Than, Shwe = General Than Shwe)

the words become

Power Crazy, Foolish Senior General Than Shwe!

Initial news from the local sources said he was in hiding. However according to DVB, he was arrested this afternoon and may face the severe punishment.

The Love Journal editor is a controversial pro junta journalist Myat Khine. Myat Khine is hated by most of the Burmese for publishing pro junta articles in his journals and Magazine.

Few months ago, another pro junta Magazine Myanmar Times has published an advertisement,with hidden message seems to be in Dutch;which actually spelled “Killer Than Shwe”

Source DVB

This blogger found out that story of the brave poet of Burma has published in the  BBC World News  .

 Sit Mone

Burmese Chinese

  Burmese Chinese

The Burmese Chinese or Chinese Burmese are a group of overseas Chinese born or raised in Burma (Myanmar).

Although the Chinese officially make up three percent of the population, this figure may be underestimated because of _

  1. intermarriage between them and the ethnic Bamar,
  2. and because of widespread discrimination against minorities (which compels many to declare themselves as Bamar when applying for birth certificate or national identification card).

The Burmese Chinese_

  1. dominate the Burmese economy,
  2. have a disproportionately high percentage of the educated class.

Generally, the Burmese Chinese in Lower Burma fall into three main groups:

  1. Burmese called eingyi shay, or let shay lit. long-sleeved shirts to Hokkien and Hakkas from Fujian Province
  2.  Burmese called eingyi to, or let to lit. short-sleeved shirts to Cantonese and Hakka   from Guangdong Province
  3. So Burmese sometimes called zaka, lit. mid-length sleeve to all the Hakka  from Fujian and Guangdong provinces.
  4. But Hakkas are further subdivided into those with
  5. ancestry from Fujian Province, called ein-gyi shay ha-ka
  6. and Guangdong Province, eingyi to haka respectively.

The Hokkien and Cantonese comprise 45% of the ethnic Chinese population.

The groups have different stereotypical associations.

  1. The Cantonese are commonly thought of as the poorest of the Chinese,
  2. the Hokkiens are generally wealthier,
  3. occupying high positions in the economy,
  4. and having connections to the government.

In Upper Burma and Shan Hills,

  1. the Panthay
  2. and Kokang, are speakers of a Mandarin dialect of the Southwestern Mandarin branch, most akin to Yunnanese.

Combined, they form 21% of Burmese Chinese.

Kokang are_

  1. mountain-dwellers
  2. and farmers
  3. classified as a part of the Shan national race, although they have no linguistic or genetic affinity to the Tai-Kadai-speaking Shan.

Muslim Panthay_

  1. are considered as separate local nationalities
  2. rather than a Chinese diaspora community.

The Tayoke kabya of mixed Chinese and indigenous Burmese parentage.

  1. The kabya (Burmese: mixed heritage) have a tendency to follow the customs of the Chinese more than of the Burmese.
  2. Indeed those that follow Burmese customs are absorbed into and largely indistinguishable from the mainstream Burmese society.
  3. A large portion of Burmese is thought to have some kabya blood,
  4. because immigrants could acquire Burmese citizenship through intermarriage with the indigenous Burmese peoples.

Culture

Politics

Now, we see the Muslims and Indians participating in the monks led peoples protesting. However, the Chinese seem to be curiously missing – in shape or form – within the context of the current protests.

Are they against the current protests or in support of the protests? Or simply indifferent to any of this since they already have a stronghold over Burma’s economy and anything that takes attention away from them would be positive?

Either way, the bigger question here is not a question of why aren’t the Chinese involved in these protest rather when will the Chinese get involved. The bottom line is why do the minorities, specifically the Chinese and the so called Indians or Muslims, continue to feel disenfranchised?

Language

  1. Most Burmese Chinese typically speak Burmese as their mother tongue.
  2. Those with higher education also speak Mandarin
  3. Those with higher education also speak Mandarin and/or English.
  4. Some modern educated use English.
  5. Some use, Chinese dialects/languages.
    • Hokkien is mostly used in Yangon as well as in Lower Burma,
    • while Taishan Cantonese and
    • Yunnanese Mandarin are well preserved in Upper Burma.

Conditions of Chinese-language schools_

  1. General Ne Win’s (1962-1988) banned on the Chinese-language schools caused a decline of Mandarin speakers.
  2. Chinese schools are growing again nowadays because of the increase in investors and businessmen from Mainland China and Taiwan, who uses Standard Mandarin,

Religion

Most Burmese Chinese practice_

  1. Theravada Buddhism,
  2. incorporating some Mahayana Buddhist
  3. and Taoist beliefs,
    • such as the worship of Kuan Yin.
    • Chinese New Year celebrations,
    • as well as other Chinese festivals, are subdued and held privately.
    • Clan associations are often the only places where the Chinese culture is retained.

The Panthay or Chinese Muslims practice Islam.

Education

The Burmese Chinese_

  1. place a high importance on education,
  2. a disproportionate big share with advanced (medical, engineering or doctorate) degrees. (SOA’s note: it is partly because Muslims are labeled Kala and denied the place for postgraduate educations. The Chinese not only escaped that kind of discrimination but they got the special privileges given by the Chinese blooded political, military and education authorities.)
  3. The number would be higher still had it not been for the longstanding ban on those without Burmese citizenship from pursuing advanced degrees.
  4. Nowadays, many wealthy Burmese Chinese send their children overseas for further studies especially in US, UK, Canada, Australia, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore.

Names

The Burmese Chinese have_

  1. Burmese names
  2. and many also have Chinese names.

Names in various Chinese dialects are roughly transliterated into the Burmese.

  1. For example, a person named ‘Khin Aung’ may have the Chinese name of 慶豐 (pinyin: Qìngfēng), with ‘慶’ (pinyin: qìng) corresponding to ‘Khin’, and ‘豐’ (pinyin: fēng) corresponding to ‘Aung’.
  2. However, variations of transcription do exist (between dialects),
  3. and some Burmese Chinese do not choose to adopt similar-sounding Burmese and Chinese names.
  4. Because the Burmese lack surnames, many Burmese Chinese tend to pass on portions of their given names to future generations, for the purpose of denoting lineage.

According to publications of Longsei Tang, a clan association based in Yangon, the ten most common Chinese surnames in Yangon are:

  1. Li (李)
  2. Peng (彭)
  3. Shi (時)
  4. Dong (董)
  5. Min (閔)
  6. Niu (牛)
  7. Bian (邊)
  8. Xin (辛)
  9. Guan (關)
  10. Tsui/Hsu(徐)

Cuisine

The Burmese Chinese cuisine is based on Chinese cuisine, particularly from

  1. Fujian,
  2. Guangdong
  3. and Yunnan provinces, with local influences.
  4. Spices such as turmeric and chili are commonly used.
    • Pauk si
    • Bhè kin
    • Igyakway
    • Htamin kyaw
    • La mont
    • Mewswan
    • San-byoat
    • Panthay khaukswè
    • Sigyet khaukswè

History

  1. The earliest records of Chinese migration were in the Song and Ming dynasties.
  2. In the 1700s, Ming Dynasty princes settled in Kokang (the northern part of Burma).
  3. Chinese traders, however, traveled up to the capital city, northern towns on the Irrawaddy such as Bhamo.
  4. There was a Chinese community at Amarapura.
  5. Another wave of immigration occurred in the 1800s under the British rule.
  6. They came to Burma via Malaysia.
  7. When the Chinese Communists expelled the Kuomintang, many fled to Burma and Thailand over the borders of Yunnan Province.
  8. The Burmese government fought and removed the armed KMT and forced them to Taiwan; those who managed to stay prospered.
  9. The Chinese dominate the highly lucrative rice and gem industries.
  10. Many became merchants and traders owning both wholesale and retail businesses.
  11. The northern region of Burma has seen an influx of mainland Chinese immigrant workers, black market traders and gamblers.
  12. In the Kachin State, which borders China in three directions, Mandarin Chinese is the lingua franca.

 They integrated well into Burmese society because they, like the Bamar,

  1. were of Sino-Tibetan stock
  2. and were Buddhists,

Their success_

  1. is reflected in the Burmese saying, “Earn like the Chinese, save like the Indian, and don’t waste money like the Bamar”.
  2. They got the nickname pauk hpaw (lit. sibling).
  3. During the 1950s, Burma was one of the first countries to recognize the People’s Republic of China as a nation.

However, its own Chinese population was treated as aliens.

  1. The Burmese Chinese were issued foreign registration cards (FRC), which declared that they were citizens of China.
  2. A similar discrimination policy was set up for Indians.

In 1962, Ne Win led a coup d’état and declared himself head of state. Although a kabya himself, he banned Chinese-language education, and created other measures to compel the Chinese to leave.

  1. Ne Win’s government stoked up racial animosity and ethnic conflicts against the Chinese, who were terrorized by Burmese citizens, the most violent riots taking place at the time of the Cultural Revolution in China.
  2. When Ne Win implemented the “Burmese Way to Socialism”, a plan to nationalize all industries, the livelihoods of many entrepreneurial Chinese were destroyed and some 100,000 Chinese left the country.
  3. All schools were nationalized, including Chinese-language schools.

 Beginning in 1967 and continuing throughout the 1970s, anti-Chinese riots continued to flare up and many believed they were covertly supported by the government.

  1. Many Burmese Chinese left the country during Ne Win’s rule, largely because of a failing economy and widespread discrimination.
  2. The first government-sponsored racial riots to take place in Burma was in 1967, during General Ne Win’s rule. In the riots, the general populace went on a killing spree because of sedition and instigation against the Chinese by various government departments.
  3. The massacre lasted for about five consecutive days, during which thousands of Chinese died or were left dying in the streets of Rangoon. Some of the Chinese were thrown alive from the second and third floors of buildings in downtown Rangoon. The dead and wounded Chinese were hauled up unceremoniously and dumped onto army trucks and taken to ‘htauk kyan’ incinerators and the ‘carcasses’ were sent up in smoke.
  4. That showed the true bestial and cruel side of the character of the ruling Burma Military Junta. The only “crime” the Chinese committed was the wearing of Chairman Mao’s badges on their shirts.
  5. Latha Secondary School was torched by the henchmen of General Ne Win’s government, where school girls were burnt alive.
  6. Chinese shops were looted and set on fire.
  7. Public attention was successfully diverted by Ne Win from the uncontrollable inflation, scarcity of consumer items and rising prices of rice.

Today, the majority of Burmese Chinese live in the major cities of_

  1. Yangon,
  2. Mandalay,
  3. Taunggyi,
  4. Bago, and their surrounding areas.
  5. According to Global Witness, 30 to 40% of Mandalay’s population consists of ethnic Chinese.
  6. Although there are Chinatowns (tayoke tan) in the major cities, the Chinese are widely dispersed.

Notable Burmese Chinese

  1. Aung Gyi leading army dissident and Ne Win’s former deputy/co-conspirator in the 1962 coup
  2. Aw Boon Haw (Hakka) – Inventor of Tiger Balm
  3. Aw Boon Par (Hakka) – Brother of Aw Boon Haw
  4. Eike Htun (Kokang) – Managing director of Olympic Construction Co. and deputy chairman of Asia Wealth Bank, two large conglomerates in Burma
  5. Khun Sa (Kokang) – Major Southeast Asian druglord
  6. Khin Nyunt – Former Prime Minister (2003-2004) and Chief of Intelligence (1983-2004) of Myanmar
  7. Lo Hsing Han (Kokang) – Major Southeast Asian druglord
  8. Steven Law (also known as Tun Myint Naing; Kokang) – Managing director of Asia World Company, a major Burmese conglomerate and son of Lo Hsing Han
  9. Ne Win (Hakka) – Leader of Burma from 1960s to 1980s
  10. San Yu (Hakka) – President of Burma in the 1980s
  11. Serge Pun – Proprietor of Yoma Bank, a major banking chain in Myanmar and chairman of First Myanmar Investment Co. Ltd (FMI), one of Myanmar’s leading investment companies
  12. Taw Sein Ko (Hokkien) – eminent Director of Archaeology (1901-1915)
  13. Thakin Ba Thein Tin – Communist leader from the 1970s to the 1990s
  14. Maung Aye – Vice chairman of SPDC and Chief of Staff of Armed Forces
  15. Major General Kat Sein – former Minister of Health
  16. Dr. Kyaw Myint – Present Minister of Health
  17. Myo Thant – Former Minister of Information under SLORC
  18. Colonel Tan Yu Sai – Minister of Trade under Ne Win’s government
  19. Colonel Kyi Maung– NLD member (1989-2004) and Army Commander of Rangoon in 1960s
  20. U Thaung – Minister of Labour & Technical Science, Retired Legion and Ambassador
  21. Lun Thi – Minister of Energy
  22. Thein Sein – First Secretary of SPDC
  23. Kyaw Ba – General Formal Minister of Hotel and Tourism

Reference

Wikipedia

The Golden days of the Great Mon Empire I

The Golden days of the

Great Mon  Empire I

References 

  1. Wikipedia
  2. Cambodia History
  3. Thailand History
  4. Mon Web pages
  5. Hariphunchai, Wikipedia 

monstateflag.png
Mon state Flag

 The Mon are an ethnic group in Southeast Asia. They live in Mon State, historic lower Burma and the area around the southern Burmese-Thailand border.

new_mon_state_party_flag.png
New Mon State Party Flag

There are believed to be around 8 million people who claim Mon ancestry and retain their culture and language, but the majority of the Mon (possibly 4 million) use the modern Burmese language for daily business and are literate only in Burmese (not in their native language).  The majority of Mon live around the city of Bago or the site of their historic capital, Thaton and the port of Mawlamyaing.

youngmon.jpg
Mon Children (boys)

They also constitute a significant percentage of the population further south along the lowland coast to the city of Ye, Burma.

monvirgins.jpg
Mon Children (girls)

 Early history of Burma_ 

Humans lived in the region that is now Burma as early as 11,000 years ago, but the first identifiable civilization is that of the Pyu although both Burman and Mon tradition claim that the fabled Suvarnabhumi mentioned in ancient Pali and Sanskrit texts was a Mon kingdom centered on Thaton in present day Mon state.

khmer-art.jpg
Khmer Arts

The Mon were one of the earliest distinct groups to occupy Burma, moving into the area as early as 1500 BCE or possibly earlier. The Mon are primarily associated with the historical kingdoms of Dvaravati and Haripunchai.

angkor_wat_w-seite.jpg
Ankor Wat

Up until the 14th century, outposts of Mon culture continued to spread very Far East, including modern Thailand and Isan plateau cities such as Lampang and Khon Kaen.

carte_empire-khmer.png
Mon Khmer Empire

Look, Thai’s Upper or North Western region was under Pagan.
Remaining Thai, Laos, Upper Malaysia and Lower Burma
was under Mon-Khmer rule.

As late as the 14th and 15th centuries, it is believed that the Mon were the ethnic majority in this vast region, but also intermarried freely with Khmer and Tai-Kadai populations.

Archaeological remains of Mon settlements have been found south of Vientiane, and may also have extended further to the north-west in the Haripunchai era.The Mon converted to Theravada Buddhism at a very early point in their history.

monbuddha-1.jpg
Mon Buddha

Unlike other ethnic groups in the region, they seem to have adopted Theravada orthodoxy before coming into contact with Mahayana tendencies, and it is generally believed that the Mon provided the link of transmission whereby both the Thais and Cambodians converted from Hinduism and Mahayana Buddhism to Theravada Buddhism (increasingly from the 1400s).

monbuddhaside.jpg
Mon Buddha (side view)

Although the precise date cannot be fixed, it seems that the Mon have been practicing Theravada Buddhism continuously for a longer period than any other extant religious community on earth, except for Sri Lanka, as the lineage was destroyed in India.

monwheel.jpg
Mon Scripture Wheel

Like the Burmese and the Thais, some modern Mons have tried to identify their ethnicity with the semi-historical kingdom of Suwarnabhumi. Today, this claim is contested by many different ethnicities in South-East Asia, and contradicted by scholars. Historical scholarship indicates that the early usage of the term (as found in the edicts of Ashoka) indicated a location in Southern India, and not in South-East Asia. However, from the time of the first translations of the Ashokan inscriptions in the 19th century, both the Burmese and the Thais have made concentrated efforts to identify place-names found in the edicts with their own territory or culture. Sometimes these claims have also relied upon the creative interpretation of place-names found in Chinese historical sources.

pb_grand_palace_bangkok.jpg
(Mon Khmer) Grand Palace Bangkok

The 6th century Mon kingdom of Dvaravati in the lower Chao Phraya valley in present day Thailand extended its frontiers to the Tenasserim Yoma (mountains).  With subjugation by the Khmer Empire from Angkor in the 11th century the Mon shifted further west deeper into present day Burma.  

khmer_woman_fields.jpg
Khmer Women in the field

Oral tradition suggests that they had contact with Buddhism via seafaring as early as the 3rd century BC and had received an envoy of monks from Ashoka in the 2nd century BC. 

The Mons adopted Indian culture together with Theravada Buddhism and are thought to have founded kingdoms in Lower Burma including Thaton in the 6th or 7th century and Bago (Pegu) in 825 with the kingdom of Raman’n’adesa (or Ramanna which is believed to be Thaton) referenced by Arab geographers in 844–8.The lack of archaeological evidence for this may in part be due to the focus of excavation work predominantly being in Upper Burma. 

si-2.jpg

Shampoo Island

The first recorded kingdom that can undisputedly be attributed to the Mon people was Dvaravati, which prospered until around 1000 AD when their capital was sacked by the Khmer Empire and most of the inhabitants fled west to present-day Burma and eventually founded new kingdoms.  These, too, eventually came under pressure from new ethnic groups arriving from the north. 

Mon kingdoms ruled large sections of Burma from the 9th to the 11th, the 13th to the 16th, and again in the 18th centuries. About the same period, southward-migrating Burmans took over lands in central Myanmar once dominated by Pyu city-states and the Tai started trickling into South-East Asia.  

The Burman (Bamar ) established the kingdom of Bagan.  In 1057, Bagan defeated the Mon kingdom, capturing the Mon capital of Thaton and carrying off 30,000 Mon captives to Bagan. 

After the fall of Bagan to the invading Mongols in 1287, the Mon, under Wareru an ethnic Tai (Shan), regained their independence and captured Martaban and Bago, thus virtually controlling their previously held territory. 

shampooisland.jpg

Shampoo Island

Mon kingdoms A main body of ethnic Shan / Tai migration came in the 13th century after the fall of the Kingdom of Dali to the Mongol Empire and filled the void left by the fall of the Bagan kingdom in northern Burma forming a loose coalition of city-states. These successive waves of Bamar and Tai groups slowly eroded the Mon kingdoms, and the next 200 years witnessed incessant warfare between the Mon and the Burmese, but the Mon managed to retain their independence until 1539. 

monstatemudon.jpg

Mon State Mudon

The last independent Mon kingdom fell to the Burmese when Alaungpaya razed Bago in 1757.  Many of the Mon were killed, while others fled to Thailand. Hanthawaddy (or Hanthawady; in Thai หงสาวดี Hongsawadi) is a place in Burma.  Hongsawatoi ( Bago/Pegu/ Handawaddy )  Hongsawatoi, Capital city of old Mon kingdom.  

It was destroyed by Burman King, U Aungzeya or Aloungpaya in 1757.  Hongsawatoi (Mon language pronounce) (Pali Hamsavati) Bago is about 50 miles from Rangoon. 

shampoo-island.jpg

Shampoo Island

According to legend, two Mon princess from Thaton founded Bago in 573 AD.  It was written in the chronicles that eight years after enlightenment, Lord Buddha along with his disciples went air-borne around Southeast Asian countries. 

The earliest mention of this city in history is by the Arab geographer Ibn Khudadhbin around 850 AD.  At the time, the Mon capital had shifted to Thaton. The word Mranma, in both Mon and Myanmar inscriptions came into being only at about the same time, lending support to this claim that the Pyu were an earlier vanguard of southward Tibeto-Burman migration who were entirely absorbed into a newly formed identity by later waves of similar people.  

The Pagan Kingdom grew in relative isolation until the reign of Anawrahta (1044-77) who successfully unified all of Burma by defeating the Mon city of Thaton in 1057. The area came under rule of the Burmese from Bagan in 1056.  

5601-onlinecart80.gif

Kyansittha, Alaungphaya, Bayintnaung and Nga Paw

Consolidation was accomplished under his successors Kyanzittha (1084–1112) and Alaungsithu (1112-67), so that by the mid-12th century, most of continental Southeast Asia was under the control of either the Pagan Kingdom or the Khmer Empire.  The Pagan kingdom went into decline as the Mongols threatened from the north. The last true ruler of Pagan, Narathihapate (1254-87) felt confident in his ability to resist the Mongols and advanced into Yunnan in 1277 to make war upon them. He was thoroughly crushed at the Battle of Ngasaunggyan, and Pagan resistance virtually collapsed. The king was assassinated by his own son in 1287, precipitating a Mongol invasion in the Battle of Pagan.  

The Mongols successfully captured most of the empire, including its capital, and ended the dynasty in 1289 when they installed a puppet ruler in Burma.  

After the collapse of Bagan to the Mongols in 1287, the Mon regained their independence. From 1369-1539, Hanthawaddy was the capital of the Mon Kingdom of Ramanadesa, which covered all of what is now lower Burma.  

The area came under Burman control again in 1539, when it was annexed by King Tabinshweti to his Kingdom of Taungoo.  

The kings of Taungoo made Bago their royal capital from 1539-1599 and again in 1613-1634, and used it as a base for repeated invasions of Siam.     A Mon dynasty ruled Lower Burma after the fall of the Pagan dynasty from 1287 to 1539 with a brief revival during 1550–53. At first Martaban was the capital of this kingdom and then Pegu.

b022s.jpg
Mawlamying jetty

The Mon king Rajadhirat, who waged war with the northern Burman kingdom of Ava during the whole duration of his reign, unified and consolidated the Mon kingdom’s domains in Lower Burma.The most famous Mon monarchs during this period were Queen Baña Thau (Burmese: Shin Sawbu; reigned 1453–1472) followed by Dhammazedi (reigned 1472–92). Queen Baña Thau personally chose Dhammazedi to succeed her. Dhammazedi had been a monk before he became king of Pegu. Under Dhammazedi, Pegu became a centre of commerce and Theravadan Buddhism. These two devout Buddhist monarchs initiated a long period of peace in Lower Burma.Many foreign traders were attracted to the capital, which became well-known to the outside world as a centre of commerce. As such it is mentioned by the Russian merchant, Nitikin, who traveled in the East about 1470.

Its fifteenth century rulers were, like those of old Pagan, chiefly interested in the development of religion. Missions were sent to Ceylon and on their return stimulated an important religious revival, which affected the whole of Burma.

Its centre was the Kalyani thein near Pegu, so named because its original monks had been ordained on the banks of the Kalyani River in Ceylon. Kalyani ordination became the standard form for the whole country. The story of the reforms is told in the Kalyani inscriptions erected by King Dammazedi (1472-92). Dammazedi was the greatest of the rulers of Wareru’s line. His reign was a time of peace and he himself was a mild ruler, famous for his wisdom. A collection of his rulings, the Dammazedi pyatton, is still extant. He maintained friendly intercourse with Yunnan and revived the practice of sending missions to Buddhagaya. He was a Buddhist ruler of the best type, deeply solicitous for the purification of religion. Under him civilization flourished, and the condition of the Mon country stands out in sharp contrast with the disorder and savagery which characterized the Ava kingdom. When he died he was honoured as a saint and a pagoda was erected over his bones.

The Mon kingdom possessed two great pagodas of especial sanctity, the Shwemawdaw at Pegu and the Shwe Dagon at the small stockaded fishing-town of Dagon, now Rangoon, the capital of modern Burma.

sdg-pagoda.jpg
Shwe Dagon

The last Mon kingdom was Hongsavatoi—they re-conquered much of their lost territory until the energetic Burman leader U Aungzeya forced them back and captured the kingdom by 1757, massacring a considerable part of the population. The Mon religious leaders were forced to flee to Siam and the Mon have been harshly repressed from the 1750s to the present day. 

swd-pegu.jpg

Shwe Maw Daw (Pegu)

King Mingyinyo founded the First Toungoo Dynasty (1486–1599) at Toungoo, south of Ava, towards the end of the Ava dynasty. After the conquest of Ava by the Shan invaders in 1527 many Burmans migrated to Toungoo which became a new center for Burmese rule. The dynasty conquered the Mohnyin Shan peoples in northern Burma. By this time, the geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia had changed dramatically. Mingyinyo’s son king Tabinshwehti (1531-50) unified most of Burma. The Shan gained power in a new kingdom in the North, Ayutthaya (Siam), while the Portuguese had arrived in the south and conquered Malacca. With the coming of European traders, Burma was once again an important trading centre, and Tabinshwehti moved his capital to Pegu due to its strategic position for commerce. Tabinshwehti was able to gain control of Lower Burma up to Prome, but the campaigns he led to the Arakan, Ayutthaya, and Ava in Upper Burma were unsuccessful. When Tabinshwehti’s brother-in-law, Bayinnaung (1551-81), Tabinshwehti’s brother-in-law, succeeded to the throne he launched a campaign of conquest invading several states, including Manipur (1560) and Ayutthaya (1569). An energetic leader and effective military commander, he made Toungoo the most powerful state in Southeast Asia, and extended his borders from Laos to Ayutthaya, near Bangkok.  His wars stretched Myanmar to the limits of its resources, however, and both Manipur and Ayutthaya, which had remained under Myanmar domination for 15 years, were soon independent once again.  Bayinnaung was poised to deliver a final, decisive assault on the kingdom of Arakan when he died in 1581. Faced with rebellion by several cities and renewed Portuguese incursions, the Toungoo rulers withdrew from southern Burma and founded a second dynasty at Ava, the Restored Toungoo Dynasty (1597–1752). Bayinnaung’s grandson, Anaukpetlun, once again reunited Burma in 1613 and decisively defeated Portuguese attempts to take over Burma. Encouraged by the French in India, Pegu finally rebelled against Ava, further weakening the state, which fell in 1752.                 

         

imp-indochina1886.jpg
Mon Shan dominence
Indo China

Ko Moe Thee Zone’s announcement regarding SPDC crony businessmen

Ko Moe Thee Zone’s

Announcement regarding

SPDC crony businessmen

 

Now, we see the Muslims and Indians participating in the monks led peoples protesting. However, the Chinese seem to be curiously missing – in shape or form – within the context of the current protests.

Are they against the current protests or in support of the protests? Or simply indifferent to any of this since they already have a stronghold over Burma’s economy and anything that takes attention away from them would be positive?

Either way, the bigger question here is not a question of why aren’t the Chinese involved in these protest rather when will the Chinese get involved. The bottom line is why do the minorities, specifically the Chinese and the so called Indians or Muslims, continue to feel disenfranchised?

mtz-1.png
mtz-2.png

Read more at Ko Moe Thee Zone’s blog  .

The Golden days of the Great Shan Empire VII

The Golden days of the

Great Shan Empire VII

Detention of Ethnic Shan and other opposition Leaders

Read detail in Irrawaddy, “Detained Ethnic Leaders Denied Outside Medical Aid” By Shah Paung on January 8, 2008

Detained ethnic Shan leaders are being denied medical treatment from outside for serious health problems, according to the Shan National League for Democracy.

9883-khun-htun-oo.gif

SNLD chairman Hkun Htun Oo

SNLD spokesman Sai Lek told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that prison authorities had rejected or ignored requests by the families of SNLD chairman Hkun Htun Oo and SNLD member Sai Hla Aung for medical attention from outside.

Hkun Htun Oo suffers from_

  1. prostate problems,
  2. diabetes,
  3. heart disease
  4. and high blood pressure.

Sai Hla Aung has_

  1. a hyperthyroid condition,
  2. diabetes
  3. and heart disease.

They were arrested in February 2005, together with_

  1. SNLD General-Secretary Sai Nyunt Lwin,
  2. Shan State Peace Council President Maj-Gen Sao Hso Ten
  3. and Shan politician Shwe Ohn, who was later released.

They were arrested days before a resumed session of the National Convention opposed by Shan leaders.

  • Hkun Htun Oo was sentenced to 92 years imprisonment and is detained in Putao prison, Kachin State.
  • Sai Nyunt Lwin received a 75 year sentence and is in Kalay prison, Sagaing Division.
  • Sao Hso Ten was sentenced to a total of 106 years imprisonment and is in Hkamti prison, Sagaing Division.
  • Sai Hla Aung received a sentence of 75 years and is in Kyauk Pyu prison, Arakan State.
  • Meanwhile, arrests of National League for Democracy members continue. NLD spokesman Nyan Win said five members of the NLD youth wing had been arrested between Burma Independence Day on January 4 and January 6. No reason has yet been given for the arrests.
  • According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), based in neighboring Thailand, there are more than 1,400 political prisoners in Burma.

SPDC Junta and Myanmar Tatmadaw failed to understand that patriotism is not the sole property of the Myanmar Tatmadaw and its Generals alone.

Each and every citizen_

  • regardless of his race,
  • religion,
  • social status
  • or political alignment,

has the right and is duty-bound to show his sense of patriotism to the country he loves in his own way.

Tatmadaw failed to acknowledge that the opposition parties like NLD, SNLD etc are equally patriotic, if not more so than SPDC leaders.

Many opposition leaders, to name a few_

  1. U Gambari lead real Buddhist monks,
  2. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD leaders like U Tin Oo,
  3. U Hkun Htun Oo led SNLD Shan leaders,
  4. Min Ko Naing lead 88 Student leaders, like Ko Ko Gyi etc,
  5. Burmese Muslims such as, Daw Win Mya Mya (NLD Mandalay, Panthay) and Ko Mya Aye (88 Student leader)

Are unlike those in the SPDC and Tatmadaw,

  • have given up much of their comforts in life,
  • endured so much pain and humiliation
  • and even have been detained
  • and tortured
  • under the illegal, undemocratic, unjust, draconian laws of the SPDC.

SPDC Junta should answer my question even if their brain is slightly larger than a bird’s brain.

If sacrificing the major part of one’s life for the nation is not patriotism, what is it then?

It is extremely distressing that the ruling Myanmar Generals and Tatmadaw want to cling onto power instead of being an instrument for the peace, progress, prosperity, unity of Myanmar and power house to start an inertia of change to democracy.

Not only the different Races and religions have become the cause of disunity, hate, violence and turmoil but the Myanmar Generals and Tatmadaw show the world that they are even willing to assault, arrest, torture and kill their own monks to stop the momentum of people’s peaceful struggle to initiate the changes to democracy.

So what’s left now to think about the safety or guarantee of other minority races and religious groups’ fate, life and property ?

We all now witnessed that Myanmar Tatmadaw is even willing to sacrifice and annihilate any one or any obstacle on their way to the road to their permanent dominance of Myanmar. 

But the whole world looks quite cool, slow and looks like willing to patiently waiting forever for the SPDC promised, “Rice presenting on the moon-plate”

SPDC Generals should stop playing the politics of fear and intimidation on the unarmed Myanmar civilians. They should not politicise or use the national security as an excuse because it would be the most unpatriotic act, amounting to treachery.

We have journeyed together, sharing a common brotherhood for 60 years and we have attained wisdom and maturity to effect change that would create an environment where all of the Burmese/Myanmar citizens can have our voices heard, rights respected and continue to live together without fear or suspicion of each other.

We should not allow selfish Military Generals to sow the seeds of disunity, suspicion, hate and jealousy that will only be detrimental to us in this multi-racial and multi-religious nation of Burma/Myanmar.

As Barrack Obama, the US presidential candidate, said after his first defeat in the primaries:

‘Change is hard. Change is always met by resistance from the status quo. The real gamble is to have the same old folks doing the same old things over and over and over again and somehow expect a different result’.

We cannot and should not expect a better outcome from the same old Tatmadaw system over and over again. They will try to keep all the issues and dialogue in the back burner.

In order to create a just government for all of the Burmese/ Myanmars, we must strive to effect a change.

We have no much time to wait for the evolution, until or unless, UN and Mr Gambari could forced the snail paced present (almost effectively stalled) dialogue on the rocket louncher to install on to the fast track.

To bring about that change may not be that easy, it may be a monumental task, but there must be a beginning for all good things to happen.

Why shouldn’t it be now?

Is the saying, “Time and Tide wait for no man” irrelevant to the inhumane, noncivilized uniformed Tatnadaw?

Why did UN and the whole world allow the Junta to procrastinate when all of us already know that what the SPDC want was TIME only.

SPDC stupidly thought that time could heal the bleeding hearts of the people seeing their beloved revered monks beaten, arrested and killed.

It is now in our hands to make that change.

Do we have the will and courage to do so?

Except for the USA and EU leaders,

  • are ASEAN leaders,
  • OIC leaders,
  • Common Wealth leaders,
  • Non Allied movement leaders
  • and UN member countries’ leaders

all became cowards? Eunuchs with any B–ls? Greedy Crooks?

Or are they all willing to close their eyes, as the Burmese saying, “Myauk Thar_ Sar Chin Yin_Myaul Myet Nher_Ma Kyi Ne’.” meaning. “if you want to eat the flesh of the monkey, avoid looking at the face of the monkey.”

So carry on world leaders, just close your eyes to avoid seeing us beatened, tortured, arrested and killed by the Than Shwe Junta.

Please continue to enjoy the following article I republished from Irrawaddy.

Pro-Democracy Political Prisoners in Poor Health Condition
By Shah Paung
January 16, 2008

At least four detained political prisoners in Burmese prisons are in poor health and need medical attention, according to their family members.

The four political prisoners are Hla Myo Naung and Kyaw Soe of the 88 Generation Students group, who are both in Insein Prison in Rangoon; Win Maw, a pro-democracy activist, also in Insein Prison; and Myint Oo, a committee member of the Magwe Division of the National League for Democracy, who is in Mandalay Prison.

Hla Myo Naung has eye problems and is nearly blind in both eyes, according to a family member. He has had eye problems since October 2007, and was arrested while he was enroute to a Rangoon clinic to have an operation on the left side of one eye.

After he was arrested, authorities performed an operation on one of his eyes, but it was not successful and an eye nerve was damaged.

Family members of both Win Maw and Kyaw Soe said they received medical treatment in prison after they were tortured by the authorities in an interrogation center.

However, Win Maw has now contracted pneumonia. Kyaw Soe suffers from fainting spells. Both men were victims of water torture, according to sources.

A family member of Win Maw said they have not been allowed to visit him for nearly three weeks.

Myint Oo, who also suffers from pneumonia, began receiving medical treatment in a Mandalay prison hospital three days ago, according to family members.

Tate Naing, the secretary of the exiled-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), said that since August 2007, the military government has arrested more than 7,000 people, including pro-democracy activists.  Prisoners are not allowed to receive outside medical treatment.

88 Generation Students leaders Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi also have health problems, say their family members. They were arrested by authorities in August 2007.

According to the AAPP, there are more than 1,850 political prisoners in Burmese prisons.

 

The Golden days of the Great Shan Empire VI

 The Golden days of the

Great Shan Empire VI

Country Profile 

myanmarshan.png

Size:
Lies between 19 and 24 degrees latitude North, and Stretches from 96 to 101 degrees longitude East, covering approximately 64,000 square miles; shares boundaries with Burma, China, Laos, Thailand and the Karenni.

shanstateflag.png

Topography and Drainage:

Bisected north to south by the Salween River, one of the longest rivers in Asia. It lies at an average of 2,000 feet above sea-level, and the highest point, Mount Loilaeng, is 8,777 feet. It is composed of broad valleys, thickly wooded mountain ranges and rolling hills forming scenic landscapes.

Jong-ang, the biggest waterfall (972 feet) can be found near the town of Kengtong in Mongnai State.

Climate

There are three seasons:

  1. Monsoon (May to October),
  2. Cold season(November to January)
  3. and Summer (February to April).

Annual rainfalls average between 40-60 inches.

The overall temperature is equable throughout the year: not too cold and not too hot.

Vegetation

Pine and evergreen forests can be found in abundance. Teak and various kinds of hardwood cover over 47,210 square miles.

Minerals
The bulk of the so-called Burmese natural resources are in the Shan State: silver, lead, gold, copper, iron, tin, wolfram, tungsten, manganese, nickel, coal, mica, antimony, fluorite, marble, gemstones and even uranium.

Major Operating Mines are:

  • the Mogok (Mognkut in Shan) and Mongsu ruby mines,
  • and the Namtu Bawdwin silver mines discovered by the Chinese traders and renovated in 1904 by none other than Herbert Clerk Hoover (1874-1964) who became the 31st President of the United State.
  • A study of the Indian geological reports made by Drs Cogging and Sondhi in 1993 reveals Northern Shan States as incredible mining potential…
  • As for Southern Shan’s remarkable resources, they can be studied from the reports made by a G.V. Hovson (Shanland’s Grievances, by Htoon Myint of Taunggyi, )

People :

The population of these multi-racial people, described by ancient travelers as the most peace loving people who trust everybody and envy nobody is estimated at 7-10 million, the majority of whom are Tai, of the same ethnological stock as Thai and Laos, plus several other racial groups including Pa-o, Palaung and Wa of Mon-Khmer stock; and Kachin, Akha and Lahu of the Tibeto-Burman stock.

All in all, it’s various indigenous races have lived harmoniously together for centuries. This fact is supported by the political analyst Josef Silverstein, who say’s:

“Although the Shans dominated the people in the area both politically and numerically, they never assimilated the minorities; as a result, cultural pluralism existed through out the Shan States”. (Politics in the Shan State, The Question of Secession from the Union of Burma, 1958, by J. Silverstein).

The Shan’s stand on the racial question is best described by Sao Shwe Thaike, who in his capacity as the Speaker of the Constituent Assembly,

countered the objection that Muslims could not be considered as being indigenous by saying :

“Muslims of the Arakan certainly belong to one of the indigenous races of Burma. If they do not belong to the indigenous races, we also cannot be taken as indigenous races.”

Culture:

Shan is still the first language of the majority, though due to 60 years under the British Protectorate and 40 years under Burmese neo-colonialism, usage of English and Burmese has become fairly common.

As for attire, Shan men, unlike the Burmese, who wear longyis or long skirts, don long baggy trousers. Theravada Buddhism is the pre-eminent faith, and perhaps due to this tolerant religion, Hinduism, Christianity, Islamism and even animisms flourish in this land.

Agriculture:

Primarily a self-sufficient agricultural economy, being blessed with fertile soil, it produces rice, tea, cheroot leaves, tobacco, potatoes, oranges, lemon, pears, and opium.

Cattle-and horse-breeding is also a common sight in low grasslands. Added to the fact that it is rich in mineral resources and abundant in teak timber, there is no reason why the Shan State could not become one of the richest and most economically dynamic countries in Southeast Asia, given a favorable political climate. 

Shan States is a beautiful and fertile land, with green hills and mist-covered mountains. 

Shans are on the whole, good natured gentle, independent people.

Shan States have a diverse mix of ethnic groups; Tai Yai, Tai Khurn, Tai Lui or Tai Neir, Tai Keiy, Pa-O or Daung Su, Daung Yoe, Palaung, Kachin, Dai Nawng or in Burmese Intha, Danu, Lisu, Lahu, Wa, Kaw, Padaung, as well as Chinese, Indians, Burmans and others. 

The Shans are the most widely scattered of the ethnic people in Myanmar and they can be found in every part of the country.

Their Mans (villages), Mongs (city-states) and settlements stretch from the northernmost region of Hkamti Long down to Tharrawaddy and then to southern Taninthayi (Tenasserim) and from the tip of Kengtung in the east to Hsawng Hsup, Kabaw valley and Ta-mu in the west.

In central Myanmar many Shan settlements can be found around Ava, Pinya, Sagaing, Toungoo, Pyinmana and Pyi (Prome). 

Now-a-days, Shan people are spread around the world, many having left Burma to escape the persecution and brutality of the SPDC, many to study overseas. 

Shans live overseas in Thailand, Australia, New Zealand, USA, Canada, Europe, Taiwan, China, Japan and elsewhere.  Many overseas groups are actively campaigning for freedom in Shan States and Burma. 

Until recently many groups worked almost independently.  In recent years the more widespread use of e-mail and internet technology means that overseas Shan groups can communicate more easily with one another, sharing ideas, discussing campaigns and global change.

Shans feel immensely sad that their beautiful homeland has been ravaged and abused by SPDC, and because they have deep love for their motherland, they feel deeply bereft and betrayed.

sao.jpg

Two Soa Hso Kham Pha is the eldest son of the late Last year Soa Hso Kham Pha, also known as Tiger Yawnghwe, founded the Interim Shan Government with the cooperation of a group of Shan elders. Recently the ISG has established a freedom fighting force called Shan State Army (Central) with thousands of troops to fight against the neo-fascist military regime in Burma.  

List of Shan state rulers

 Read more in Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.The Shan State of Burma (Myanmar) was once made up of a large number of traditional monarchies or fiefdoms. Three ranks of chiefs where recognized by the Burmese king and later by the British administration. These ranks were Saopha or Chaofa (Shan for king or chieftain) or Sawbwa in Burmese, Myosa (”duke” or chief of town), and Ngwegunhmu (silver revenue chief).

se_asia_lang_map.png

Contents

1 Shan states

  1. 1.1 Hierarchy and Precedence

  2. 1.2 Baw (Maw)

  3. 1.3 Hopong (Hopon)

  4. 1.4 Hsahtung (Thaton)

  5. 1.5 Hsamönghkam (Thamaingkan)

  6. 1.6 Hsawnghsup (Thaungdut)

  7. 1.7 Hsenwi (Theinni)

    1. 1.7.1 North Hsenwi

    2. 1.7.2 South Hsenwi

  8. 1.8 Hsihkip (Thigyit)

  9. 1.9 Hsipaw (Thibaw)

  10. 1.10 Kehsi Mangam (Kyithi Bansan)

  11. 1.11 Kengcheng (Kyaingchaing)

  12. 1.12 Kenghkam (Kyaingkan)

  13. 1.13 Kenglön (Kyainglon)

  14. 1.14 Kengtung (Kyaingtong)

  15. 1.15 Kokang

  16. 1.16 Kyon

  17. 1.17 Kyawkku Hsiwan (Kyaukku)

  18. 1.18 Laihka (Lègya)

  19. 1.19 Lawksawk (Yatsauk)

  20. 1.20 Loi-ai (Lwe-e)

  21. 1.21 Loilong (Lwelong)

  22. 1.22 Loimaw (Lwemaw)

  23. 1.23 Mawkmai

  24. 1.24 Manglon

  25. 1.25 Monghsu

  26. 1.26 Mawkmai (Maukme)

  27. 1.27 Mawnang (Bawnin)

  28. 1.28 Mawsön (Bawzaing)

  29. 1.29 Möngkawng (Mogaung)

  30. 1.30 Mongkung

  31. 1.31 Möngleng (Mohlaing)

  32. 1.32 Mönglong

  33. 1.33 Möngmit (Momeik)

  34. 1.34 Mong Nai (Monè)

  35. 1.35 Mongnawng

  36. 1.36 Mong Pai (Mobye)

  37. 1.37 Mong Pan

  38. 1.38 Mong Pawng (Maing Pun)

  39. 1.39 Möngping (Maingpyin)

  40. 1.40 Möngsit (Maingseik)

  41. 1.41 Möngtung (Maington)

  42. 1.42 Möngyang (Mohnyin)

  43. 1.43 Möngyawng

  44. 1.44 Namhkai (Nanke)

  45. 1.45 Namhkok (Nankok)

  46. 1.46 Namhkom (Nankon)

  47. 1.47 Namtok (Nantok)

  48. 1.48 Namkhok-Nawngwawn

  49. 1.49 Panglawng

  50. 1.50 Pangmi

  51. 1.51 Pangtara (Pindara)

  52. 1.52 Pwehla (Poila)

  53. 1.53 Sakoi

  54. 1.54 Samka

  55. 1.55 Tawngpeng

  56. 1.56 Wanmaw (Bhamo)

  57. 1.57 Wanyin (Banyin)

  58. 1.58 Yawnghwe (Nyaungshwe)

  59. 1.59 Ywangan (Yengan)

  60. 1.60 Bibliography

Shan states

State Area (sq. mi) Classical Name Notes
Sawbwas
Kengtung 12,400 Khemarata Tungaburi
Hsipaw 4,524 Dutawadi
Mongnai 2,717 Saturambha/Nandapwa
Yawnghwe 1,392 Kambawsarata
Tawngpeng 800 Pappatasara
South Hsenwi 2,400 Siwirata or Kawsampi Also known as Mongyai
North Hsenwi 6,330 Siwirata or Kawsampi
Mongmit 3,733 Gandhalarata
Mongpai 730
Lawksawk 2,362 Hansawadi?
Laikha 1,560 Hansawadi
Mawkmai 2,557 Lawkawadi
Mongpan 2,988 Dhannawadi
Mongpawn 366 Rajjawadi
Manglun Jambularata
Kantarawadi 3,015
Samka 314
Mongkung 1,593 Lankawadi
Myosas
Nawngwawn 28 Pokkharawadi Amalgamated with Mong Pawn, 1931
Mongnawng 1,646 Nandawadi
Mongsit
Kehsi-bansam 551
Mawnang Amalgamated with Hsamongkham, 1934
Loilong (Pinlaung) 1,098
Hsahtung 471
Wanyin 219
Hopong 212
Namkhok 108 Amalgamated with Mong Pawn, 1931
Sakoi 82
Mongshu 470 Hansawadi
Kenglun 54 Amalgamated with Kehsh Bansam, 1926
Bawlake 565
Kyetbogyi 700
Hsamongkham 449
Baw 741
Pwela 178
Ngwegunhmus
Yengan (Ywangan) 359
Pangtara (Pindaya) 86
Pangmi 30
Loi-ai 156 Amalgamated with Hsamongkham, 1930
Kyaukku 76 Amalgamated with Pwela, 1928
Loimaw 48 Amalgamated with Yawnghwe, 1928
Kyone 24
Namtok 14 Amalgamated with Loilong, 1931

    Chinese provinces with the name Shan

  1. Shan is another name of the Dai, an ethnic group in China.

  2. Shan, an abbreviation for the Shaanxi province of the People’s Republic of China

  3. Shan, or Shan county, also refers a county in Shandong province of PRC

  4. Shan, or Shantou (汕头), a city in Guangdong province of PRC

  5. Shan, name for a region in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region

  6. Shan, also refers to the name of ancient Western Regions (西域)

Shan also means hill, peak, or mountain in Chinese languages and Japanese There is also Chinese surname, Shan (surname), is a in Chinese.There is also river name with Shan , in Zhejiang Province of PRC

sss.png

Photos of the His Royal Highness Tzao Hso Khan Pha, President and Head of States, Interim Shan Government of the Federated Shan States.The remaining  are Shan Freedom Fighters’ photos, Six photos are copyright of Chris Sinclair mailto:csinclair@pobox.com.Four…….. Four other photos are courtesy of TSY taisamyone@yahoo.co.uk. All are taken from Burma Digest.

Burma’s FIRST PRESIDENT Sao Shwe Thaike’s support of Burmese Muslims

 Burma’s FIRST PRESIDENT

Sao Shwe Thaike’s

support of Burmese Muslims

The Shan’s stand on the racial question is best described by Sao Shwe Thaike, who in his capacity as the Speaker of the Constituent Assembly,

countered the objection that Muslims could not be considered as being indigenous by saying :

“Muslims of the Arakan certainly belong to one of the indigenous races of Burma. If they do not belong to the indigenous races, we also cannot be taken as indigenous races.”

So shut up ILLEGAL SPDC GENERALS.

Just look at the another Greatest leader’s view on Muslims and other religious minorities_

General Aung San’s Acceptance of migrants as brethren

“I want to address the Indians and Chinese residing in this country.

  • We have no bitterness, no ill will for them,
  • or for that matter for any race and nationality in the world.
  • If they choose to join us, we will welcome them as our own brethren.
  • The welfare of all people of this country irrespective of race or religion has always been the one purpose that I have set out to fulfill.
  • In fact it is my life’s mission.”

What then constitutes nationalism?

  • The main factor is the having to lead together one common life
  • sharing joys and sorrows,
  • developing common interests
  • and one or more common things like racial or linguistic communities,
  • fostering common traditions of having been and being one
  • which give us a consciousness of oneness and necessity of that oneness.
  • Race, religion, and language are thus by themselves not primary factors which go to the making of a nation
  • but the historic necessity of having to lead common life together that is the pivotal principle of nationality and nationalism.
  • We cannot confine the definition of a nationality to the narrow bounds of race, religion, etc.

  • Nations are extending the rights of their respective communities even to others who may not belong to them except by their mere residence amongst them and their determination to live and be with them.

  • I am glad to know that you (Indians and Chinese residing in Burma ) regard yourselves as nationals of this country.

  • So far as I am concerned, I am perfectly prepared to embrace you as my own brothers and sisters.

  • Every student of social and political science knows very well that such slogans as race, religion, language do not alone constitute nationalism.
  • There are one or more races in almost every country.
  • Nowadays, we have different religions being embraced by members of the same nationality.

  • Nowadays, with the increasing mutual intercourse of nations, there is such a provision in many of the constitutions of the world for naturalization of foreigners.
  • But it is in history that opportunist political leadership taking advantage of the strong national sentiments of the people may try to exploit the nationalism of the people for their selfish individual or group interests.
  • We must be careful of such exploitation of nationalism. For then racial strives and bitterness will be fomented and fostered among us by interested parties in order to divert our attention from the main objective.

  1. I believe in the inherent right of a people to revolt against any tyranny that people may have over them.
  2. History has amply demonstrated the right of a people to its own freedom,
  3. and that once it is denied to them, even in the case of the peoples who belong to the same stock.

Some of them can be read in Bo Gyoke’s speeches.

And I will now present the Burma’s only Democratically elected Prime Minister U Nu’s support of Burmese Muslims. U Nu while requesting to dissolve Bama Muslim Congress, to revoke its membership from AFPFL said_

 

We all are the same Burmese people.

You Burmese Muslims happened to be Burmese of Islamic faith.

The rest of us are Burmese of Buddhist faith.

If Muslims do politics under Bama Muslim Congress, Buddhists , Christians, Hindus etc also wish do set up parties based on their religions.

If we do politics depend or base on religion, our democratic system would be compromised.

So let us work together under AFPFL.

 

Bo Gyoke’s Address to the Anglo-Burmans 

I am glad to know that you regard yourselves as nationals of this country. But if you regard yourselves as nationals of this country, it should not be sufficient by mere verbal declaration; you must identify yourselves in all national activities for national welfare. Let me be perfectly frank with you-your community in the past did not happen to identify yourselves with national activities; on the other hand, you were even frequently on the other side. Now you have to prove that you want to live and to be with the people of this country, not by words but by deeds. So far as I am concerned, I am perfectly prepared to embrace you as my own brothers and sisters.