Depayin Massacre perpetrator Than Shwe should be hauled to ICC together with Darfur Massacre perpetrator Sudan President


_ by Yebaw Day

Sudan ’s President Omar Hassan al-Bashir speaks during a news conference in Tokyo in this May 30, 2008 file photo. The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court is likely to seek the arrest of al-Bashir in a new war crimes case he will open on Darfur on Monday, a senior European diplomat said on July 11, 2008.

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Tun Mahathier’s Proton voted out of Terengganu, Malaysia

Tun Mahathier’s Proton voted out

of Terengganu, Malaysia

Monday July 21, 2008

The Star Online

KUALA TERENGGANU: The state government has defended the purchase of 14 Mercedes E200 Kompressor cars at RM3.43mil for the use of its state executive councillors and senior officials.

Mentri Besar Datuk Ahmad Said said the state government had planned to purchase the cars for a long time now to replace its Proton Perdana V6 Executive fleet in a move to cut cost.

“Please understand that the Proton Perdanas go through continuous long-distance journeys. It’s costing us a lot of money due to high cost of maintenance.

“We are not saying that the national car is not good but in reality we are coughing up more money for maintaining the Proton Perdanas, particularly the gear boxes,” he said.

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Tay Za and Zaw Win Htut(in Burmese)

ဇူလိႈင္လဆန္းပိုင္းက တံတားဦးေလယဥ္ကြင္းမွာ ညတေခါင္အထိ ေလယ်ဥ္ ကမပ်ံနိင္ပဲျဖစ္ေနတယ္။

ေလယဥ္က တစင္းထဲဆိုေတာ့ ေလယ်ဥ္ကြင္းတကြင္းလံုးက တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ား၊ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားဟာ

အိမ္မျပန္နိင္ျဖစ္ေနၾကတယ္။ ဒီေလယဥ္က ဘယ္သူကိုေစာင့္ေနတာလဲလို ့လူတိုင္းကသိျခင္ေနၾက


 ညကိုးနာရီခန္ ့ၾကမွ ေတဇနဲ ့ေဇာ္၀င္းထြတ္ နစ္ေယာက္ ေဂါက္ရိုက္ေနလို ့ ေလယဥ္ကိုမပ်ံနိင္ပဲေစာင့္

ေနၾကရတာလို ့သိရပါတယ္။ ေမာင္၀ိတ္တို ့ေထာင္နန္းစံေနရခ်ိန္မွာ (ကက -ေတ ) ျဖစ္တဲ့ေတဇကေတာ့

ေမာ္ၾကြားလ်က္ပဲရိွေနပါတယ္။ သူရဲ ့အေပါင္းသင္းကေတာ့ ေဇာ္၀င္းထြတ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

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Human rights and our Western value system

Human rights and our Western value system

Khoo Kay Kim in New Sunday Times 20 July 2008

COMMENT: Human rights are not respected at all in our ASEAN value system. Just giving excuses only. ASEAN’s value is SHIT!

IN Malaysia, between the two terms, it was “integrity” that was given
constant attention for the longest time. Although the term itself was
seldom used in the past, the two words which convey the same meaning
— “‘honesty” and “ethics” — were repeatedly emphasised in schools
and during talks on religions. In English-medium schools in
particular, children were constantly reminded of the saying: “Honesty
is the best policy”.

Even in the University of Malaya (Singapore) where philosophy was one
of the disciplines taught in the early years of its existence, logic
and ethics were compulsory subjects.

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Saying ‘Islamic threat’ over and over doesn’t make it real


‘Islamic threat’

over and over

doesn’t make it real

Malaysia Today

The much hyped Islamic threat is one of the greatest lies of our time. The “Muslim world” — though no such bloc really exists — is politically fragmented and economically impoverished. It is reeling under the weight of crises and a long colonial legacy.

Guardian News Service

PICK up any newspaper today in Britain or elsewhere in Europe, switch on the TV or tune in to any radio station, and you’re very likely to get the impression that “our societies” — if not Western civilisation in its entirety — face an imminent Islamic threat, on a par with the old dangers of fascism.


Since the terrorist bombings of New York, Madrid and London, the “fundamentalist peril” has become part of the air we breathe. It has become a rhetorical crutch for everyone from rightwing bigots to opportunistic politicians and repenting “former extremists”, each with their own agenda.

Today we live amid an explosion of discourse and imagery around Islam and Muslims. Sparked by Al Qaeda’s lunatic atrocities, it has since fed on the politics of fear and suspicion. The victims have included objectivity, balance, and the ability to judge issues calmly and rationally. Flawed material is endlessly reproduced and recycled, so it is little wonder that the public’s understanding of Islam and the complex political problems of the Muslim world are limited at best.

Years of peddled fear and demonisation have had severe consequences: a widening of ignorance and bigotry, deepening mistrust between individuals and communities, and the resurrection of the pernicious language of racism and fanaticism ± as journalist Peter Oborne illustrated in his Channel 4 Dispatches documentary recently.

It is probably no exaggeration to say that Islam is now the religion closest to Europe and remotest from it. Islam is no longer an alien, distant religion. It is now woven into the very fabric of European society. Muslims are the largest of the continent’s minorities. Yet their physical proximity does not appear to have made them more familiar or better understood. If anything, to most European eyes they seem stranger, more distant, more ambiguous than ever.

The much hyped Islamic threat is one of the greatest lies of our time. The “Muslim world” — though no such bloc really exists — is politically fragmented and economically impoverished. It is reeling under the weight of crises and a long colonial legacy. Militarily, it is of scant significance. It is laughable that we should be discussing the Islamic threat when in the past seven years alone two Muslim countries have come under direct military occupation, ending hopes that the world had firmly closed this chapter of history decades ago.

I suspect many military experts must struggle to keep a straight face every time the subject of the “Islamic threat” is broached. They know that strategic threats are not founded on mere anxieties, imagination and illusions, but on concrete military and political facts.

This is not to play down the seriousness of the dangers presented by Al Qaeda and other violent groups. But these constitute a security problem to be dealt with through the intelligence and security services. Whatever its braggadocio, Al Qaeda does not amount to a strategic military threat, let alone a menace to “Western civilisation”.

The security risks posed by Al Qaeda, moreover, face Muslims and non-Muslims alike. After all, Al Qaeda has perpetrated more atrocities in Muslim countries than Western capitals. Attacks in Casablanca, Bali, Riyadh, Algiers, Tunisia, Istanbul and Iraq have outnumbered those in New York, Madrid and London.

In the fog of the so-called war on terror, Al Qaeda, terrorism, extremism and Islamism — the list of -isms goes on — have been employed as potent weapons in a range of battles. They have been deployed to demonise vulnerable minorities — their community groups and their leaders, mosques and faith schools. They have been adopted to eat away at civil liberties. And they have been exploited to target mainstream Islamist political parties. Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development party; the Muslim Brotherhood — the largest opposition in the Egyptian parliament; and Anwar Ibrahim’s People’s Justice party in Malaysia, are among the movements cast in one terrifying category labelled “Islamism”, alongside Al Qaeda.

The huge differences are wilfully ignored to justify this strategy of unrelenting confrontation. The consequences have been devastating for social stability and community coexistence, as well as for relations between the “Muslim world” and the “West”— something which, ironically, has been recognised by President Bush recently.

Political expediency and scaremongering has seen the propagation of the idea of a grave Islamist threat to the status of orthodoxy. But however easy it might be to surrender to this fiction, it remains just that: a myth fabricated by a few, exploited by a few, and consumed by many. No matter how widely circulated, or endlessly regurgitated, a myth remains a myth.


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